1
Fontainville Abbey
: William Dunlap’s forgotten
Gothic play, the first American playwright
Vanessa Cianconi
To cite this article:
CIANCONI, Vanessa.
Fontainville Abbey
: William
Dunlap’s forgotten Gothic play, the first American
playwright.
Urdimento
Revista de Estudos em Artes
Cênicas, Florianópolis, v. 2, n. 55, ago. 2025.
DOI: 10.5965/1414573102552025e0213In
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Fontainville Abbey
: William Dunlap’s forgotten Gothic play, the first American playwright
Vanessa Cianconi
Florianópolis, v.2, n.55, p.1-21, ago. 2025
2
Fontainville Abbey
: William Dunlap’s forgotten Gothic play, the first American playwright
Vanessa Cianconi1
Abstract
Fontainville Abbey
(1794), by William Dunlap, inspired by Ann Radcliffe's
Romance of the
Forest
(1791), is a play that has been relegated to oblivion. Dunlap is considered an
outstanding historian, as well as the first American playwright and the first Gothic writer
in the country. Forgotten by his peers, Dunlap was also forgotten by the academy. The
aim of this article is to show how Dunlap's melodramatic dramaturgy and its dialogue
with American literature’s seminal texts serve as a receptacle for memory and how this
memory, in this case, the memory of the history of American melodramatic (Gothic?)
theater, is transformed into phantasmagoria.
Keywords:
William Dunlap. Fontainville Abbey. Gothic. Dramaturgy. Phantasmagoria.
Fontainville Abbey
: la obra gótica olvidada de William Dunlap, el primer dramaturgo
americano
Resumen
Fontainville Abbey
(1794), de William Dunlap, inspirada en el
Romance of the Forest
(1791)
de Ann Radcliffe, es una obra que ha quedado relegada al olvido. Dunlap está
considerado un excelente historiador, además de ser el primer dramaturgo
estadounidense y el primer escritor de literatura gótica del país. Olvidado por sus
coetáneos, Dunlap también fue olvidado por la academia. El objetivo de este artículo es
mostrar cómo la dramaturgia melodramática de Dunlap y su diálogo con los textos
seminales de la literatura estadounidense sirven de receptáculo para la memoria y cómo
esta memoria, en este caso la memoria de la historia del teatro melodramático (¿gótico?)
estadounidense, se transforma en fantasmagoría.
Palabras clave
: William Dunlap. Fontainville Abbey. Gótico. Dramaturgia. Fantasmagoría.
Fontainville Abbey
: a peça gótica esquecida de William Dunlap, o primeiro dramaturgo
estadunidense
Resumo
Fontainville Abbey
(1794), de William Dunlap, inspirada em
Romance of the Forest
(1791),
de Ann Radcliffe, é uma peça que ficou relegada ao esquecimento. Dunlap é considerado
um exímio historiador, além de ser o primeiro dramaturgo estadunidense e o primeiro
escritor de literatura gótica no país. Esquecido por seus pares, Dunlap também foi
esquecido pela academia. O objetivo deste artigo é mostrar como a dramaturgia
melodramática de Dunlap e seu dialogo com os textos seminais da literatura norte-
americana servem como receptáculo de memória e como esta memória, neste caso, a
memória da história do teatro melodramático (gótico?) estadunidense, se transforma
em fantasmagoria.
Palavras-chave
: William Dunlap. Fontainville Abbey. Gótico. Dramaturgia. Fantasmagoria.
1 PhD in Comparative Literature at Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF), with a research fellow at University
of Pittsburgh/Theater Department. Mellon School of Theater and Performance at Harvard University. Masters
in Letters (Science of Literature) at Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ). Specialization in English
Language Literatures at UFF. Undergraduation at UFF, Liberal Arts. JCNE/FAPERJ. vcianconi@gmail.com
http://lattes.cnpq.br/5622089687976465 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1175-4919
Fontainville Abbey
: William Dunlap’s forgotten Gothic play, the first American playwright
Vanessa Cianconi
Florianópolis, v.2, n.55, p.1-21, ago. 2025
3
“Certainly you must be very superstitious,”- said Mr. S-,
“or such things could not interest you thus.”
“There are few people less so than I am,” replied W-, “or
I understand myself and the meaning of superstition very
ill.”
“That is quite paradoxical.”
“It appears so, but so it is not. If I cannot explain this,
take it as a mystery of the human mind.”
“If it were possible for me to believe the appearance of
ghosts at all,” replied Mr. S-, “it would certainly be the
ghost of Hamlet; but I never can suppose such things;
they are out of all reason and probability.”
(Ann Radcliffe)
The opening of the curtains in the United States and its phantasmagorical
memory
Almost every ghost story has the same beginning, in oblivion. The case of
Fontainville Abbey
, a play written in 1794 by William Dunlap, was no different. My
first encounter with Dunlap was through his most popular play, André:
A Tragedy
in Five Acts
(1798), in a small collection edited by Professor Jeffrey H. Richards,
Early American Drama
, from Penguin Classics, originally published in 1997. The
theater, in the construction of the United States as a country, followed, for obvious
reasons, the British model. The American stage served the old Platonic purpose:
to present the new republic with a moral behavior appropriate for a country still
in its infancy. The question of example, or mimesis, should follow the precepts of
the Greek philosopher in considering that only good behavior should be shared
with the citizens, still in formation, of the new republican state. In other words, the
stage should serve to instill principles of good citizenship.
When reading the chapter “Gothic American Drama,” written by Heather S.
Nathans for
The Cambridge Companion to American Gothic
, edited by Jeffrey
Andrew Weinstock, I came across William Dunlap’s name one more time. Known
for co-founding the National Academy of Design in New York, Dunlap was also an
accomplished historian and playwright of reasonable quality, according to critics
of his time. Author of several plays for the New York stage in the 1700s, he also
pioneered American theater historiography by writing
A History of the American
Theater from its Origins to 1832
, published in the same year by J. & J. Harper, New
Fontainville Abbey
: William Dunlap’s forgotten Gothic play, the first American playwright
Vanessa Cianconi
Florianópolis, v.2, n.55, p.1-21, ago. 2025
4
York. The vision of the American theater historian, in its origins, initially shows the
importance of preserving theater history for American dramaturgy. Curiously,
despite being of fundamental importance to theater historiography of that country,
none of Dunlap’s plays appear in the most important anthologies, such as
The
Norton Anthology of Drama
, organized by J. Ellen Gainor, Stanton B. Garner, Jr.,
and Martin Puchner, published by W. W. Norton & Company, or in
The Harcourt
Brace Anthology of Drama
, edited by W. B. Worthen, published by Thomson Heinle.
Tice L. Miller, professor emeritus of theater at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln,
in the 1995 reissue of Dunlap’s
A History of the American Theater from its Origins
to 1832
, points to the playwright’s pioneering effort in attempting to record
American theater for the first time and make it a reference point for all subsequent
stage histories in the country. According to Miller, in December of 1832, the
American Quarterly Review
published a lengthy review quoting extensively from
the book, drawing attention to its moral tone and stating that Dunlap elevated the
stage to make it subservient to the greater interests of society and morality.
Once again, we return to the Platonic issue of morality for a country on the
rise. In an article for
American Literature
in 1968, Fred Moramarco sheds light on
the debate by stating:
[…] but also because they reflect some attitudes about the dramatic art
which were an intrinsic part of the American consciousness in the late
eighteenth century. Particularly, they suggest the degree to which moral
considerations influenced and shaped American literary awareness in
that period (Moramarco, 1968, p. 9).
Morality on stage has become a widely debated topic amongst theater
historians in the United States.
Fontainville Abbey
, which premiered at the John Street Theater in New York
on February 16, 1795, was originally written in 1794, making it the first text written
in the United States under a Gothic poetics. According to Nathans, the term Gothic
served as a catalyst for audiences due to its popularity. Some critics argue that
incorporating European Gothic creations into the American scene served a less
scholarly purpose, but they seemed to forget that many of these productions
brought complex agendas to bear by addressing issues of race, class, and gender
Fontainville Abbey
: William Dunlap’s forgotten Gothic play, the first American playwright
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Florianópolis, v.2, n.55, p.1-21, ago. 2025
5
in the national imagination. At that time, the political stage was in formation in the
United States, and Dunlap’s text conversed extemporaneously with Ralph Waldo
Emerson’s idea of a purely American Literature in
The American Scholar
, a speech
delivered in 1837 at Harvard College. This article is about Dunlap's melodramatic
dramaturgy and how the dialogue between American Literature’s seminal texts
serves as a receptacle for memory and how this memory, in this case, the memory
of American melodramatic (Gothic?) theater’s history, is transformed into
phantasmagoria.
From Jacobean theater to melodrama
The definition of melodramatic changes over time. Jeffrey H. Richards, in the
introduction to
Early American Plays
(1997), explains that, at the beginning of the
20th century, melodrama took on a new meaning, beyond that of a play with
music. The new concept of melodrama featured plays with overly sentimental
dialogue, stereotypical characters, moralistic plots, and no connection to “real life.”
In other words, it was vulgar theater of poor quality. Soon, it was relegated to
oblivion. Jean-Marie Thomasseau says that the initial definition of melodrama,
reproduced below, is a fallacy, as well as being reductive:
The word melodrama conjures up images of an exaggerated, tearful
drama, populated by verbose heroes spouting sentimental nonsense to
unfortunate victims hunted down by despicable villains, in an implausible
and rushed plot that defies all the rules of art and common sense, and
which always ends with the triumph of good over evil, of virtue over vice2
(Thomasseau, 1984, p. 3).
The researcher recalls that, even in the 18th century, melodrama served as
a reaction against the noir theater imported from England by ordering
the most daring attempts of revolutionary theater, promotes the cult of
virtue and family, restores the sense of property and traditional values,
2 Le mot mélodrame éveille en e!et en nous l’idée d’un drame outrancier et larmoyant, peuplé de héros
phraseurs débitant des fadaises sentimentales à de malheureuses victimes traquées par d’ignobles
troisièmes couteaux, dans une action invraisemblable et précipitée qui bouleverse toutes les règles de l’art
et du bon sens, et qui se termine toujours par le triomphe des bons sur les méchants, de la vertu sur le vice.
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: William Dunlap’s forgotten Gothic play, the first American playwright
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and ultimately offers an aesthetic creation formalized according to very
precise constraints3 (Thomasseau, 1984, p. 6).
However, Thomasseau argues that the melodrama of the time featured
characters in “exceptional situations”4 (1984, p. 11) and was “so rich in tormented
episodes and complicated machinations”5 (1984, p. 12) that it is difficult to separate
the origins of Gothic theater from those of the 18th-century melodrama. Tice L.
Miller, in the introduction to Dunlap's book, considers that the playwright
introduced many elements of melodrama to the New York stage, stating that
“invented five years earlier by Guilbert de Pixerécourt in Paris, mélodrame differed
little from Gothic drama, except for the use of music to enhance the dramatic
effect” (Miller apud Pixerécourt, 1997, p. XVI). Bertrand Evans further states:
“examination of the work shows it to be concocted of the very elements which we
have found in the Gothic plays acted in England during the last thirty years of the
eighteenth century” (Evans, 1947, p. 162). Perhaps is the systematic exploitation of
pathetic effects the bridge between melodrama and Jacobean theater?
Theater history points to something very curious. Jacobean theater, which
spanned the reign of King James I (1603-1625), is known for its darker themes,
complex characters, and exploration of moral and political issues. The plays often
featured Aristotelian heroes, narratives of revenge, witchcraft, and the
supernatural. This drama, often characterized as decadent, presented morally
reprehensible plots, with excessive violence and sexual perversions, and such
values, or lack thereof, also became associated with the popular, the socially low,
an easy way to attract an audience of dubious taste. Its most prominent
characteristics: phantasmagoria, madness, metatheatricality, brutal murders, and
morbidity raise questions about how so many scenes of horror and perversion
were possible in a theater dominated by such rigid moral and aesthetic rules. It is
undeniable, in a quick and immediate analysis, that violent crime is a key element
3 Elle apprécie en outre le mélodrame parce qu’il tempère et ordonne les tentatives les plus hardies du théâtre
de la Révolution, pratique le culte de la vertu et de la famille, remet à l'honneur le sens de la propriété et
des valeurs traditionnelles, et propose, en définitive, une création esthétique formalisée selon des
contraintes très précises.
4 […] situations d'exception […]
5 […] si riches d’épisodes tourmentés et de machinations compliquées […]
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of those plots, as they demonstrate a fascination with how the act of violence is
carried out. In addition, they explore the lust and weaknesses that lead the
individual to destruction and proclaim the courage with which the victim and villain
face their own extinction. In Jacobean tragedies, violence serves as a reflection,
albeit painful and difficult, indicating how violence contaminates the characters'
morals, leading them to their final downfall.
The French Revolution (1789-1799) put an end to the sentimental culture of
the wealthier classes. The Revolution redirected much of the emotional and moral
fervor of sentimentalism into melodrama. While sentimental theater optimistically
assumed that evil characters could reform, most melodramas based on popular
perceptions derived from the Revolution divided humanity into good and evil
types. Melodrama promoted the belief that evil people would always conspire
against the innocent. English sentimental culture was based on the precepts of
the philosophy of “moral sense.” From John Locke (1632-1704) to Adam Smith
(1723-1790), there was a belief that people could be molded from early childhood,
so watching a morally appropriate play would also awaken in them the design of
an ideal spectator with feelings and conduct that would respond to social
pressures, ensuring that each person fulfilled their moral duty. For moral
philosophers, morality was inherent and natural; doing the right thing derives from
emotional sensitivity, not abstract reasons. However, Rousseau and many other
Enlightenment thinkers could not explain how human nature, which was
essentially good, turned to evil. Sentimentalism could not explain human
villainousness, so only the Gothic could account for such a problem. At the center
of the Gothic drama was the villain, usually a melancholic figure, who dominated
female characters in captivity and fought ghosts from his past in a ruined castle.
Bruce McConachie (2010, pp. 244–245), a renowned theater researcher, explains
that “Gothicism offered no complete answer for the evil of such protagonists, but
it did fix images of horror that fascinated audiences – all the more so because the
spectators’ sentimentalism could not explain the evil they witnessed”.
Perhaps it is possible, then, to say that the seed of Gothic theater lies in
Jacobean theater, and it is from the confluence of these Gothic and sentimental
influences that melodrama as we know it today was constructed. There is no
Fontainville Abbey
: William Dunlap’s forgotten Gothic play, the first American playwright
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Florianópolis, v.2, n.55, p.1-21, ago. 2025
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shortage of evidence. Part of the appeal of melodrama was precisely the
transposition of violence from behind the scenes to the stage. Moments of
heightened violence have always been moments when art suffers the most and
tries to fight against them. Thus, Peter Brooks, in
The Melodramatic Imagination
(1995), recalls that melodrama is an expression with origins in German
expressionism. For the American literary critic:
Melodrama is a form for a post-sacred era, in which polarization and
hyperdramatization of forces in conflict represent a need to locate and
make evident, and operative those large choices of ways of being which
we hold to be of overwhelming importance even though we cannot derive
them from any transcendental system of belief (Brooks, 1995, p. x).
There seems to be a historical connection between all these moments. It is
as if they are woven together, from their origins in Jacobean theater (called
noir
by Thomasseau) to Brooks' expressionist art, melodrama serves as a catalyst for
the horrors of humanity's resurgence, brought back to the stage.
Fontainville Abbey, William Dunlaps melodrama
The search for William Dunlap's play was an adventure, remote, but it was.
Any theater researcher who comes across brief mentions of a play that was only
staged in 1795 and now, with the advent of the internet, finds no trace of its staging
or its original text available on any website, would be, at the very least, intrigued.
What happened to this play? And why? This is the story: the name William Dunlap
returns a few hits on Google, many more on Jstor or Project Muse, international
databases paid for by UERJ6, but insistently, the references only report on his most
famous play:
André
, written four years after
Fontainville Abbey
. I believe that,
initially, I tried all the usual ways to obtain the play’s text, but without success. In
an online search at the New York Public Library, I discovered that the text was
available for local research, which, unfortunately, would make it impossible for me
to access it from Brazil. Indeed, the full text of the play existed, but it was not
freely accessible on the internet, nor through the Library's online consultation. It
6 Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, a State University in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where I teach American
Literature.
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was only through an email from the NYPL that I was able to obtain a PDF of the
play, but it missed the play’s epilogue. Through the search system of Yale
University's Beinecke Library and the help of a librarian7, I obtained the first edition
of volume XXII of the Longworth Edition of
The English and American Stage
, where
four original plays by Dunlap were published in 18078.
Very little has been written about William Dunlap. Robert H. Canary's “William
Dunlap and the Search for an American Audience,” published in the
Midcontinent
American Studies Journal
in 1963, is one of the few easily accessible texts on the
playwright. Canary's text reinforces the fact that Dunlap was forgotten because he
focused his efforts on drama, a field neglected by literary historians. And that was
probably not the only reason. His preference for Gothic themes distanced him
from what critics considered quality literature. In general, critics considered Gothic
literature to be a product of European decadence, a genre that did not lead to the
production of genuinely native literature (Canary, 1963; Fisher & Argetsinger, 2023).
Until the 1970s, there were no academic works of significance on his work. And
today, we can say, there still aren't any. The search for an American audience,
under scrutiny by Canary, has always been the playwright's holy grail. For the
professor
His
Fontainville Abbey
(1795)9 “was not announced as the publication of
an American, and we find in a publication of the day the following remark.
‘Can it be possible that the author thinks that such an avowal would
operate against it?’ There can be no doubt that he did think so, and no
doubt but that such an avowal at that time would have been enough to
condemn the piece” (Canary, 1963, p. 46, 47).
Perhaps this could serve as an explanation for the disappearance of
Fontainville Abbey
from the stage and, consequently, from the literary world, but
this is not the truth. Like so many other historians and theater theorists, Canary
brings the question of the average theatergoer's taste to his text:
7 Special thanks to Adrienne Sharpe-Weseman, Access Services Assistant at the Beinecke Rare Book and
Manuscript Library at Yale University.
8 There is a discrepancy between the dates in the PDF (text from 1807), the playwright's note (1806), and the
printed editions (1807 and 1809). I chose to use 1807 because it was the first publication available.
9 Dunlap's text was written in 1794. As the first staging took place in 1795, many researchers indicate this year
as the year of publication.
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If this class of men did not support the theatre, “the manager must please
the vulgar or shut his theatre”. The common man of Dunlap’s day was
best lured by “shameful exhibitions of monsters and beasts, and other
vulgar shows,” by which the “state was degraded” (Canary, 1963, p. 47).
Dunlap believed, as early as the late 18th century, that the voice of the
American people needed to be heard and that a purely American art form needed
to exist. The playwright was not in denial about the state of art in his time, but, as
an artist far ahead of his time, he anticipated much of what the Transcendentalists,
especially what Ralph Waldo Emerson would reinforce, reminding the audience
that the new Republicans did not need English patronage. The American stage
raised issues as important as the English stage, even when inspired by a novel
from the island. The first issue of the
Theatrical Register
10 reflects the growing
sense of nationalism that was developing in America. Thus, like his contemporary
Noah Webster, Dunlap advocated greater separation between America and
England and emphasized the need to develop native art forms. He realized that
the American stage had been imitative and derivative, but he envisioned a new
drama based on local culture.
Dunlap, in a short Preface to Volume XXII of
The English and American Stage
(1809), confesses that although he was inspired by works of European origin, he
does not reproduce them on stage, but creates the possibility of an original
American text, that is, he approaches the “heaven of invention”, of original literature
produced by an American:
Those who are well read in this species of literature will easily discover
whence I have borrowed, whom I have imitated, and what parts of my
work may be considered as original in the strictest sense. To combine
rather than to invent is the lot of modern dramatists. My readers may
perhaps be tempted to lament that I have soared so often into the
“heaven of invention” (Dunlap, 1809, p. b).
10 In the 1790s there were several magazines publishing articles on American theater and the development of
dramaturgy in general. Probably the most important of these was the
New York Magazine
, which published
a series of reviews of the New York stage between November 1794 and April 1796. These reviews appeared
under the title “The Theatrical Register,” and although the magazine's policy of anonymity makes it
impossible to know for sure who the author was, the available evidence suggests that they were written by
William Dunlap. For a convincing summary of this evidence, see Mary Rives Bowman, “Dunlap and The
Theatrical Register’ of the New York Magazine,” Studies in Philology, XXIV, 413-425 (July 1927).
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Although Ann Radcliffe never wrote a play, her literary output inspired many
playwrights around the world, especially in Germany.
From
The Romance of the Forest
(1791) came two plays, Boaden's
Fontainville Forest
(C. G. March 1794), and an anonymous melodrama,
Fontainville Abbey; or, The Phantom of the Forest
(Surrey, March 1824)
(Evans, 1947, p. 91).
Bertrand Evans ignores the existence of the 1794 adaptation by the American
William Dunlap of the same novel by Radcliffe and nominates James Boaden as the
first playwright to adapt a novel by the English writer. Boaden adapted
The Romance
of the Forest
(1791) in the same year that Dunlap adapted the same Gothic novel. In
a note to the reader dated 1806, Dunlap mentions: “Mr. Boaden's play of
Fontainville
Forest
must have been performed about the same time in London” (Dunlap, 1807).
It is worth remembering that James Boaden's theatrical adaptation is available
online at the Internet Archive, while William Dunlap's has been forgotten. Evans
further states that:
It is impossible to measure the full extent of her influence. As we have
found earlier, definite debts other than adaptations can rarely be
established in Gothic plays (1947, p. 91).
And,
Mr. Boaden had read the
Romance of the Forest
with great pleasure, and
thought that he saw there the groundwork of a drama of more than usual
effect. He admired, as everyone else did, the singular address by which
Mrs. Radcliffe contrived to impress the mind with all the terrors of the
ideal world; and the sportive resolution of all that had excited terror into
very common natural appearances; indebted for their false aspect to
circumstances, and the overstrained feelings of the characters./But, even
in romance, it may be doubtful, whether there be not something
ungenerous in thus playing upon poor timid human nature, and agonizing
it with false terrors. The disappointment, I know, is always resented, and
the labored explanation commonly deemed the flattest and most
uninteresting part of the production. Perhaps, when the attention is once
secured and the reason yielded, the passion for the marvelous had better
remain unchecked; and an interest selected from the olden time be
entirely subjected to its gothic machinery. However this may be in respect
to romance, when the doubtful of the narrative is to be exhibited in the
drama, the decision is a matter of necessity. While description only fixes
the inconclusive dreams of the fancy, she may partake the dubious
character of her inspirer […] (1947, p. 91, 92).
Evans also brings up the issue of Radcliffe always having a rational
explanation for everything that seemed supernatural in her novels. Boaden's
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adaptation, on the other hand, removes the author's rational explanations from
the plot. Radcliffe, in her novels, described scenes that seemed explainable only
through the supernatural; however, in the end, everything was explained as having
come from natural causes.
According to Evans:
Boaden believed that "the passion for the marvelous had better remain
unchecked." His decision, therefore, was to omit, not Mrs. Radcliffe's
excesses, but her natural explanations of the supernatural. For the first
time, a playwright undertook to out-Gothicize a novelist. The result was
a play more elaborately Gothic in its furnishings than any previously acted
(1947, p. 92).
Dunlap's adaptation follows the same logic as Boaden's adaptation; there is
no explanation for the supernatural elements in the play. The aforementioned
epilogue to Dunlap's play, entitled “In the Character of Cupid,” reinforces this idea.
Dunlap adds a twist to his text by presenting a parade of tragic Greek characters
tributary to love stories who, when performing Cupid, affirm that “Shakespeare's
best plays gain not their force from Love”11 (1807, p. 211). By contemporizing the
loss of the tragic muse in the light of comedy, “for Love and Hymen ever are her
theme” (1807, p. 211), the playwright introduces yet another supernatural element
to the play, since Cupid did not originally appear in his adaptation.
The difference between those two plays now lies on the puritanical values of
self-righteousness that have always been ingrained into the American character.
La Motte's regret stems from the simple fact that he still fears the devil, who was
believed to exist in the forests of puritanical America. After all, the forest was the
home of the Indians, hence, the demons. The demonic figure of the other has
always served to terrify the puritans' righteousness. However, weren't they the
ones who represented this conflict between good and evil?
Dunlap returns precisely to this typically American puritan past in his play,
perhaps the basis for the creation of the Gothic imagination that is not only
characteristic of that country's literature but, in my view, is exactly what represents
a departure from the old European Gothic. The Indians described as savages by
11 This epilogue can only be found in the printed versions from 1807 and 1809.
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13
William Bradford in Of Plymouth Plantation were “cruel, barbarous, and most
treacherous, being most furious in their rage, and merciless where they overcome;
not being content only to kill, and take away life, but delight to torment men in the
most bloody manner that may be […]” (Bradford, 2007, p. 108, 109). The new world
was described as a wild territory, inhabited by demons, ready to take the souls of
the good Puritans. And that, metaphorically speaking, they did attack. The year 1692
saw one of the darkest moments in American history, when “a game of accusation,
confession, denial, and death took the community, through an obscure struggle for
political and social power, on a bizarre and deadly course when its citizens were
seized by the conviction that the devil was on the loose in their homes”12 (Cianconi,
2021, p. 514). The Salem witch hunt had begun. Defending the attack on the women
of Salem, Cotton Mather wrote
Wonders of the Invisible World
(1692) as a response
to a world that was becoming increasingly secular. Matter saw the presence of the
devil in Salem as a final campaign to undermine and destroy the Puritan
community. The same community that was transforming the wilderness, inhabited
by demons, into a new Eden, a garden where its inhabitants inaugurated the idea
of the American dream. The forest, or wilderness, that surrounded Salem became
the devil's territory.
It is not surprising that Dunlap's play, written only about 100 years after the
attack on the alleged Salem witches, reflected the superstitious concerns of that
era: “O, sir, I fear'd the phantoms of the place sure in such a place ill spirits dwell”
(Dunlap, 1807, p. 156). Still in Peter’s words:
O, for pity, sir!
We ne'er shall sleep in safety, never rest.
For in such places murders oft were done,
In times long past, and here the restless sprites /Walk night by
night (Dunlap, 1807, p. 156).
And,
[…] None have liv'd there lately. There owls and bats inhabit.
What a noise the devils made! and, clattering round my head,
They blew my light out with their flapping wings […]
(Dunlap, 1807, p. 162).
12 se iniciou um jogo de acusação, confissão, negação e morte que tomou a comunidade, através de uma
obscura luta por poder político e social, um rumo bizarro e mortal quando seus cidadãos foram tomados
pela convicção de que o diabo estava à solta em seus lares.
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The Puritan reference to the demons of the forest is clear in the servant's
words. The abbey, lost in the middle of the forest, was inhabited only by nocturnal
animals, which he compared to demons. These frightening animals, believed to be
evil beings, hid in the dark.
In contrast, at the end of Act I, La Motte compares the same abbey to a castle,
because there he would have freedom. The idea of the house on the hill, the new
world as a paradise representing the new Republic and a possible synonym for
freedom were also put on stage by Dunlap. For La Motte: “But this, compar'd with
prisons, is a palace, A paradise—for here I've liberty” (Dunlap, 1807, p. 162). The
ethos of the American freedom, from its roots, is repeated in Dunlap's play.
John Winthrop's sermon on the Arbella in 1630 directs what would become
known as God's chosen people to this new paradise on earth, claiming that they
are the example to be followed by the rest of the world, a “city on a hill”13, and that
the eyes of the world would be upon them. However, the dangers of the past still
haunted Madame La Motte, which Peter assures her do not exist, as they say there
are ghosts there:
All about this abbey. We're safe enough,
For no one will come near us. They say ghosts
(Dunlap, 1807, p. 168)
The images described by Adeline are truly terrifying. As Adeline attempts to
investigate the crime committed inside the abbey, she encounters a past filled
with horrors that somehow come back to haunt her. The past returns to haunt not
only the young woman, but everyone in the abandoned abbey.
Image of death! phantom of desolation!
Nay, rather witness real of hellish crimes!
Why sink I not? What braces firm my limbs?
Undaunted innocence walks firmly on,
Though death's deep shadows lengthen at each step.
(Dunlap, 1807, p. 176).
13 For wee must consider that wee shall be as a city upon a hill. The eies of all people are upon us. Soe that if
we shall deale falsely with our God in this worke wee have undertaken, and soe cause him to withdrawe his
present help from us, we shall be made a story and a by-word through the world. We shall open the mouthes
of enemies to speake evill of the ways of God, and all professors for God’s sake. Wee shall shame the faces
of many of God’s worthy servants, and cause theire prayers to be turned into curses upon us till wee be
consumed out of the good land whither we are a goeing.
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And,
Exploring still another room,
I found A worm-gnaw'd chest. Impell'd, I touch'd the top,
But shrinking back, chill fear pass'd sudden o'er me.
Again advancing, with a desperate force,
I op'd it there my every fear confirming,
A grinning skeleton my eyes saluted,
Startling, I dropp'd the lid. The hollow sound
Re-echo'd solemn from the neighbouring walls;
All the apartment shook; and clattering round
A shelf with rubbish fell and strew'd the floor.
This parchment roll'd among it; having seiz'd […]
(Dunlap, 1807, p. 179, 180).
To which Madame La Motte replies: “O my dear child, what horrors thou'st
disclos'd! And can it be this marquis—" (Dunlap, 1807, p. 180). Adeline intently reads
the parchment she found, which tells stories of the abbey's horrific past. The
marquis's brother was imprisoned in the tower by his own brother and allegedly
was murdered there. Adeline sees the “grinning” skeleton and, at first, does not
know who it is or where it came from, but soon grasps its meaning. “Image of
death! Phantom of desolation!” exclaims the girl.
The last act of the play begins with La Motte entering Adeline's room with a
dagger in his hand to complete what the marquis ordered him to do, - to kill
Adeline in a gruesome way:
Ha! if I longer stand I shall relent.
It must be done. Now, fiends of hell, assist me!
Life, life's the prizefortune, life, liberty! (Dunlap, 1809, p. 190).
Signing the devil's black book was something the Puritans believed they could
do. The forest, almost enchanted by evil powers, was a character itself in American
history. The demonic nature of the Puritan forest was what could give La Motte
the strength to finally end with Adeline's life. However, the dualities imbued in the
supposed righteousness of that people chosen by God served as a form of self-
control. La Motte's integrity brings up, once again, the question of American self-
righteousness, the citizen who cannot escape his own control. Despite the utopian
tone of
What is an American?
(1782), Crèvecouer saw the North American as the
“new man”: individualistic, self-confident, pragmatic, hardworking, a solid man of
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the earth, free to pursue his self-defined goals and, in the process, reject the
ideological zeal that had ravaged Europe for centuries. Thus, La Motte probably
sees himself as this new man, master of himself, capable of saying no to the
temptations inflicted by the devil.
Marquis:
What change is this? Whence is this new found courage?
La Motte:
By nature upright, vice a coward made me;
Resolving to be virtuous, I am brave (Dunlap, 1809, p. 194).
The early history of the United States aligned the possibilities of a new
narrative of god's chosen people who, even though haunted by demons, were
capable of defeating them. La Motte recounts that he lived in a dream, like a
sleepwalker in a horrible delirium. Interestingly, Brockden Brown14, in
“Somnambulism: A Fragment” (1797), tells the story of a crime committed by
someone who, like La Motte would do, to protect his beloved, kills her while he
sleeps. Somnambulism, still mysterious, serves as an excuse for a heinous crime.
O no, Hortensia! I've been in a dream,
A walking sleep, a horrible delirium (Dunlap, 1809, p. 195).
Like Boaden, Dunlap removes from the play anything that could make the
supernatural plausible, since anything without a logical explanation is beyond
natural causes. What was given to Boaden's adaptation as Gothic, in Dunlap, at
least in my view, is the representation of this new man in a world that is being
built, the self-righteous man, always capable of acting in a morally correct manner.
The idea of being for the new colonist in relation to society came from
contradictions in the Protestant Reformation and the intellectual tradition of the
colony. In that conjecture, the initial Puritan thinking, which included strong
support for the community, is transformed so that it is once again expressed with
a characteristic emphasis on the development of this being as the result of what
the new American citizen should become. Since the Puritans believed they had
14 Charles Brockden Brown and William Dunlap were close friends, which led the playwright to write his
colleague's biography in 1815, entitled The Life of Charles Brockden Brown. The influence was probably
mutual.
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discovered the truth, it was their duty to eradicate error before it spread15 (Cianconi,
2014, p. 34). As previously mentioned, La Motte, in a way, becomes the
representation of the righteousness of this new man by challenging the power of
the devil: the Puritans' number one enemy. The divine superpower of self-control,
stemming from the girl's innocence, is what prevents the fugitive from killing her,
as La Motte explains below:
This poignard then I brandish'd, high uplift,
And Terror, worst of fiends, urg'd on the stroke;
But Innocence hung hovering o'er thy couch,
And dash'd the dagger from my powerless arm:
Thy angel looks then rescued me from hell,
And I resolv'd to give my life for thine (Dunlap, 1809, p. 198).
In
As bruxas como desculpa
(2014), I argue that the imaginary idea of a New
World led the 15th-century man to construct many legends and, consequently, to
the desire to find that longed-for paradise. The idea of an “earthly paradise” located
at the “end of the east” at the end of the medieval era was added to another
fundamental myth: Sir Thomas More's myth of
Utopia
, inaugurated in 1516.
Similarly, in the Puritan imagination, the New World was analogous to the Paradise
Lost, and the wilderness functioned as a kind of testing ground, where the struggle
between good and evil was met. For Roderick Nash (1982), the Bible characterizes
the wilderness as the cursed land, the environment of evil, a kind of hell on earth.
The colonizers of New England, immersed in the Old Testament ideology, believed
that it was their god's command to transform the wilderness into a paradise similar
to Eden. Soon, their imaginative minds recreated the ever-present image of the
devil terrorizing their lives in the unknown vastness of the New World.
La Motte’s final move of leaving the forest, or the wilderness, as it represented
a lawless locus where anything was possible, that including the supernatural, is to
go precisely in the direction of protection against the demon that lurks there.
I fear the marquis's return. Let's fly
To Fontainville, upon the forest's border,
15 This paved the way for the idea of the “Manifest Destiny,” a term coined by John O'Sullivan in 1845. The
belief in the “Manifest Destiny” was often associated with religious ideas, asserting that Americans were
destined to spread civilization and democracy throughout the world.
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And put ourselves within the law's protection (Dunlap, 1809, p. 198).
At the end of Act V, before La Motte is acquitted of the crimes he committed,
it becomes clear to the reader that “to prove that converts true to virtue's law”
(Dunlap, 1809, p. 208) is the puritanical issue that serves as the backdrop for the
final resolution of Dunlap's play. By converting the savages into believers in their
god, they cease to be the representation of evil in the forest and become virtuous
in the eyes of their angry god16, who could cause harm to those who did not please
him. Puritanical righteousness, once again, is placed under scrutiny. Here, the New
World became the city on a hill. Winthrop's divine beings had to follow the will of
what they considered divine to become examples to the world, as they were aware
of Satan's constant vigilance and the need to build communities that embodied
their god’s divine will.
The American voice on the stage of the 1700s: a conclusion
Marvin Carlson, in
The Haunted Stages
(2003), asserts that every play is
necessarily haunted. For him, all theater brings a spectral presence of those who
return, not necessarily to stay, but in an instrumentalized way, drags the past into
the present and remains in the now to remember something that once was.
Throughout literature history, the ghostly function serves as the work of a memory
that cannot be forgotten. Probably because it is an archive of memory or one that
raises the need for memory, theater is the art form that comes closest to history.
It is important to remember that, for the professor, there is a direct relationship
between the past and the theater as a receptacle of memory.
The close association of the theater with the evocation of the past, the
histories and the legends of the culture uncannily restored to a
mysterious half-life here, has made the theater in the minds of many the
art most closely related to memory and the theater building itself a kind
of memory machine (Carlson, 2003, p. 142).
16 See Sinners in the
Hands of an Angry God
, written by Jonathan Edwards in 1741. Edwards deliberately
compromises Puritanism with the terror of modern man, the terror of insecurity. God was no longer bound
by any promise, neither metaphysical nor legal. Curiously, the same god who was supposed to make them
feel safe probably terrified them with the fear of condemnation, which, according to Edwards, would come
“slowly and, most likely, quickly” upon many of the faithful.
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Carlson reflects on the relationship between the past and the theater through
an evocation of the past. His choice of vocabulary immediately recalls Freud's
concept of the uncanny or unfamiliar, but at the same time, providing a certain
comfort. The theater building itself confronts us with the ghost of our previous
visits to the theater and how much we underestimate it. The building as a memory
machine transforms the United States into a haunted house.
By calling William Dunlap's play Gothic, the idea of the country as a (haunted?)
house is reinforced.
Fontainville Abbey
(1794) does not inaugurate American
theater per se, but haunted by the seminal texts of American history, from its
founding as an English colony, reverberating what appeared to be the cultural
choices of the island, to the proclamation of its independence, Dunlap's play
carries the phantom of a history founded on Puritan concerns, which probably
inaugurated the Gothic poetics in that country. To rediscover Dunlap is to look at
a new way of narrating the United States, as Ralph Waldo Emerson would claim
some forty years later. Thus, Marvin Carlson, in affirming the existence of a direct
relationship between the ruins of the past, the anxieties about a hopeless future,
and the theater as a receptacle of memory, amalgamates the thread that weaves
theater history, melodrama, and the Gothic in the United States of America.
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Received in: 08/06/25
Approved in: 21/07/25
Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina
UDESC
Programa de Pós-Graduação em Artes Cênicas
PPGAC
Centro de Artes, Design e Moda CEART
Urdimento
Revista de Estudos em Artes Cênicas
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