e-ISSN 1984-7246
“I’ll learn to read to teach my
comrades”: afro-popular formation and the construction of public policies in
the praxis of professor Jeruse Romão[i]
Azânia
Mahin Romão Nogueira
Federal University of
Bahia
lattes.cnpq.br/0415219260796006
“I’ll learn to read to teach
my comrades”: afro-popular formation and the construction of public policies in
the praxis of professor Jeruse Romão
Abstract
An interpretation of the
Brazilian reality from the context of the southern region of the country takes
into account the socioeconomic, cultural, and political markers that constitute
this territory, as well as the specific strategies developed by the black
population to continue the historic struggle for a life with dignity in Brazil.
It is in this historical and geographical context that Afro-popular formation
developed. Despite considering the collective nature of this process, like
everything built by and for social movements, there are protagonists who led
the actions based on their militant practices. The choice of Professor Jeruse
Romão among this group active in Santa Catarina since the 1980s is due to her
recognition as a reference by activists and intellectuals of the Brazilian
black movement. With this article, my main motivation is to highlight the
relevance of Professor Jeruse Romão's trajectory not only for the black
movement but, especially, for Brazilian education. Thus, my objective is to
characterize the educational practices of Afro-popular education based on black
thought in the counter-colonial process of building public policies at the
service of social justice. I believe that this movement has special relevance
in confronting the invisibility of the black population in the South of Brazil,
which not only exists and resists but actively organizes and articulates other
possibilities of existence beyond a racist society.
Keywords: black thought in education; afro-popular formation;
public policy; black memory.
“Vou aprender a ler pra ensinar
meus camaradas”: a formação afro-popular e a construção de políticas públicas
na práxis da professora Jeruse Romão
Resumo
Uma
interpretação da realidade brasileira a partir do contexto da região sul do
país leva em consideração os marcadores socioeconômicos, culturais e políticos
que constituem esse território, bem como as estratégias específicas
desenvolvidas pela população negra para a continuidade da histórica luta por
uma vida com dignidade no Brasil. É nesse contexto histórico e geográfico que
se desenvolve a formação afro-popular. Apesar de considerar a coletividade desse
processo, como tudo construído por e para movimentos sociais, existem
protagonistas que capitanearam as ações, a partir de suas práticas militantes.
A escolha pela professora Jeruse Romão, dentre esse grupo em atividade em Santa
Catarina desde os anos 1980, se dá pelo seu reconhecimento enquanto referência
por militantes e intelectuais do movimento negro brasileiro. Com o presente
artigo, tenho como motivação principal evidenciar a relevância da trajetória da
professora Jeruse Romão não apenas para o movimento negro, mas, especialmente,
para a educação brasileira. Assim, tenho como objetivo caracterizar as práticas
educadoras da formação afro-popular, embasadas pelo pensamento negro no
processo contra-colonial de construção de políticas públicas a serviço da
justiça social. Acredito que esse movimento tem especial relevância no
enfrentamento à invisibilização da população negra do Sul do Brasil, que não
apenas existe e resiste, mas ativamente organiza e articula outras
possibilidades de existência para além de uma sociedade racista.
Palavras-chave: pensamento negro em
educação; formação afro-popular; políticas públicas; memória negra.
1 Introduction
In response to the
colonization of the Americas, indigenous peoples and African diaspora
communities employed various strategies in their struggle for freedom.
Regarding the Afro-Brazilian population, access to education and preservation
of cultural memory were key issues in their struggle for rights. Embodied in
historic achievements such as the establishment of the Palmares Cultural
Foundation (1988) at the federal level and the System for Promoting Racial
Equality Policies (2003) across all government levels, the acknowledgment of
racial disparities and the erasure of Black culture in Brazilian society represent
a legacy in the struggle for memory in a country seeking reconciliation without
historical reparation. Similarly, legal milestones such as Laws 10.639/2003,
11.645/2008, and 12.711/2012 recognize education's role in building a
democratic society free from racism.
These advancements were
achieved by the Brazilian Black Movement, coordinated through its grassroots
efforts, institutional spaces, and multinational organizations, united in
purpose despite the wide diversity in organization, ideology, and political
praxis. In this context, the educational role of the Brazilian Black Movement,
both for society and for itself, emerges as a driving strategy in building
political unity to secure rights.
Efforts to realize this unity
underscore the diverse spectrum of Black experiences across Brazil's vast
landscape. The social dynamics observed in Salvador differ significantly from
those encountered in Florianópolis. Consequently, our lived environment shapes
our sphere of influence, creativity, and discourse. It tells us about our
identities, our trajectories and how, at the same time as we transform space,
it transforms us.
Thus, an interpretation of
Brazilian reality from the perspective of the country's southern region
considers the socioeconomic, cultural, and political markers that shape this
territory, as well as the specific strategies developed by the Black population
to sustain their historical struggle for a dignified life in Brazil. An example
is the commemoration of November 20th as a day of Black struggle, first
celebrated in 1971 by the Palmares Group in Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul, at
the Marcílio Dias Black Social Club. Beyond a symbolic date, Black
Consciousness Day highlights the pivotal role of Black people in their struggle
for emancipation, from the era of slavery to the present day. It elevates Zumbi
dos Palmares to the status of a national hero and martyr in the fight against
slavery in Brazil, challenging the historical narrative that credited the
abolitionist legacy to the slave-owning monarchy.
The role of schools in shaping
historical narratives and collective memory is crucial to the Brazilian Black
movement's struggle for quality public education. In Santa Catarina, five
municipalities enacted local laws mandating the inclusion of African and
Afro-Brazilian history and culture in curricula prior to the national Law
10.639/03. Itajaí led the initiative in 1993, followed by Florianópolis and
Tubarão in 1994, Criciúma in 1997, and Imbituba in 1998, all preceding the
federal legislation by up to a decade (Romão, 2010).
These pioneers embody the
organization and coordination of Santa Catarina's Black movement, which,
despite the state having the lowest proportion of Black population in the
country, represents a significant hub for political activism in Brazil. The
First Political Training Seminar for Militants of the Black Movement of Santa
Catarina, held in 1991, is a milestone of this period. The event took place in
Florianópolis, the state capital, organized by the Center for Black Studies (CBS).
It is within this historical
and geographical context that Afro-popular culture emerges and evolves. While
acknowledging the collective nature of this process, as a construct by and for
social movements, key actors spearheaded actions through their activist
practices. The selection of Professor Jeruse Romão from this group active in
Santa Catarina since the 1980s is due to her recognition as a reference by
activists and intellectuals of the Brazilian Black movement, as evidenced in
the interviews accessed for this article. Carol Lima de Carvalho, a doctoral
student in History at the State University of Santa Catarina, says that she
interviewed the teacher for
Her influential role in the Black rights movement.
She is a leading authority in the field of Ethnic-Racial Relations Education
(ERRE), specializing in teacher training and the implementation of Federal Law
10.639/03. Her approach emphasizes local histories and the worldviews of
African and Afro-Brazilian populations (Carvalho, 2021, p. 208).
Pamela Iris Mello da Silva
(2020, p. 88), a PhD student in Social Anthropology at the Federal University
of Rio Grande do Sul, says that “Jeruse's trajectory is well known for her
struggle and activism”, and that she is “an interstate and (inter)national reference
in black activism” (Silva, 2020, p. 44). Drawing from the interviews conducted
by these two researchers, with the first one published in its entirety, I
present below a profile of Professor Jeruse Romão.
Regarding her preferred
designation, Professor Jeruse Romão stated in an interview with Carol Carvalho
that:
I prefer to be called Professor Jeruse Romão in
academic spaces. My legal name is Jeruse Maria Romão, but I dropped
"Maria" at some point, much to my mother's dismay. I feel comfortable
as Jeruse Romão, and in educational settings, I'm known as Professor Jeruse
Romão. However, I also have other spiritual connections. In Umbanda and Angola
terreiros, I'm known as Jeruse de Iansã, which is my name as an Ialorixá in
these sacred spaces. Or I can be “Coruja” in capoeira spaces, because
capoeiristas have names; although I'm not the person in the game, but I've been
a member of the capoeira movement since the 1980s, so I was honored to have a
nickname[1] (Carvalho, 2021, p. 211).
Born in 1960 on the island of
Florianópolis, Professor Jeruse Romão is the eldest of six children, four of
whom were raised in Morro da Caixa, a significant Black community in the city.
Her mother was a teacher, and her father played in the Military Police band.
The community, nestled in the heart of the city, was home to Florianópolis'
emerging Black middle class, descended from Black workers engaged in the city's
urban waterways, particularly the laundresses' fountains and the port supplying
the Public Market, as well as those from rural areas of neighboring
municipalities.
As the fourth free generation
in her family, Jeruse was the first to enter higher education in 1983. In 1986,
he co-founded the Center for Black Studies (CBS) with other young Black
activists, an organization dedicated to advancing the Black movement, with
education as its primary focus since inception. Regarding the sole organization
she was affiliated with, Professor Jeruse Romão states that:
We were a convergence of diverse perspectives
united by a common goal: to establish a new type of Black movement. As young
activists, we observed that the existing Black movement was overly focused on
cultural assimilation into white bourgeois society, failing to address
fundamental structural issues. The NEN, therefore, evolved to reflect the
diverse educational backgrounds of its members, which proved to be a remarkable
development (Carvalho, 2021, p. 215).
Nevertheless, the teacher
acknowledges that her Black consciousness emerged much earlier. Even as a
child, she realized that the lives of black people who don't fit into the place
designated by white-centered society are marked by confrontations (Romão, 2019
apud Silva, 2020).
In a highly dynamic manner,
Jeruse confronts these challenges across various aspects of her life: in her
pedagogical practice as an elementary and higher education teacher in both
public and private institutions, as well as in her role as a director; in her
capacity as a parliamentary advisor for five terms (four in the Florianópolis
City Council and one in the Santa Catarina State Legislative Assembly); and at
the national level when she worked in Brasília in 2001. As a UNESCO consultant
for the Ministry of Education, she mapped and analyzed pre-university programs
and initiatives nationwide that enhanced higher education access for Black and
Indigenous youth. She also founded and previously led the Center for Black
Studies and established the Leonor de Barros Afro-Brazilian School of Political
Education.
This article aims to highlight
the significance of Professor Jeruse Romão's journey, not only for the Black
movement but particularly for Brazilian education. Therefore, my aim is to
analyze African-influenced educational practices rooted in Black thought,
examining their role in developing socially just public policies through a
decolonial lens. I believe this movement holds particular significance in
confronting the erasure of Black populations in Southern Brazil, who not only
exist and persist but actively organize and forge alternative paths of
existence beyond the confines of a racist society.
2 Building Afro-popular education
Afro-popular education is rooted in principles,
methodologies, and pedagogies that are both unique and interwoven with Black
experiences and knowledge systems. This educational approach acknowledges the
cultural, historical, and social specificities of Black people, aiming to
implement practices that value their perspectives and worldviews. This approach
to education can be implemented in formal institutional settings such as
schools and universities, as well as in non-formal and popular education
contexts, encompassing community initiatives, social organizations, cultural
movements, and other learning practices beyond traditional structures.
The implementation of Law 10.639/03 in
institutional settings exemplifies how Afro-Brazilian education can reshape
school curricula, not only by incorporating content addressing Afro-Brazilian
history and culture but also through educational practices that acknowledge
alternative forms of social organization and life reproduction inherent in
Afro-Brazilian cosmologies.
In non-formal and popular education,
Afro-centric learning often emerges through community initiatives, workshops,
dialogue circles, and other participatory activities that actively engage
learners in the educational process. Afro-popular education distinguishes
itself from general popular education by focusing on Black culture, identity,
and history, employing methods and pedagogies rooted in Afro-Brazilian worldviews.
While popular education aims to promote social justice, it may inadvertently
perpetuate white-centric perspectives if it fails to challenge Eurocentric
narratives and paradigms, and neglects to acknowledge the knowledge and
practices of Black communities. Afro-Brazilian popular education serves as an
emancipatory tool, empowering the Brazilian population to recognize their
heritage in the Black struggle and assert their rights as citizens. It fosters
critical awareness of oppressive and discriminatory structures while
celebrating and strengthening Black identity and culture, drawing from the
experiences of Afro-Brazilians.
Black Feminist Thought, which has a diasporic
constitution with special dialogue between black Brazilian and African-American
intellectuals, often invokes “lived experiences as a criterion of credibility”
(Collins, 2019, p. 411). This critical social theory framework supports
intellectual endeavors rooted in Black lived experiences, aiming to comprehend
the intricacies of reality through material conditions. Considering this, I
chose to analyze practical experiences as catalysts for Afro-popular education.
The First Political Training
Seminar for Black Movement Activists in Santa Catarina, held on June 15-16,
1991, provided insight into the political context and internal organization of
the state's black movement, serving as our starting point for understanding the
construction of Afro-popular education. The event commenced with João Carlos
Nogueira elucidating the genesis of political education seminars for Black
Movement activists, which stemmed from the organization and implementation of
activities planned for the previous year's November 20th commemoration in the
state. The purpose of the trainings was to cover "all the issues that affect
the lives of black people at a cultural, religious, political, social, etc.
level" (Romão, 1991, p. 01):
·
History of the Black
Movement
·
Black Movement and
Conjuncture
·
The Black Movement and
Religion
·
The Black Movement and
the Trade Union
·
Black Movement and
Cultural Diversity
·
Black Movement and
Education
·
The Black Movement and
the Labor Market
·
Black Movement and
Political Parties
·
Black Movement and 500
Years of Oppression
·
Black woman
The seminar's structure
demonstrates that the Black Brazilian intelligentsia has long recognized racism
as a pervasive social construct affecting all aspects of life. It is evident
that intersectionality serves as a crucial political praxis for the Black
movement to function as an agent of change. Steve Biko, a key figure in Pan-Africanism,
asserts that "the essence of Black Consciousness is to enable and
intensify people's participation in their own struggles" (Biko, 1990, p.
21), emphasizing that Black Consciousness radicalizes the political stance of
the Black population, empowering us to organize our own lives. Therefore, it is
incumbent upon Black people to reconnect with their heritage and recognize
their role as the architects of their own emancipation.
Therefore, it is crucial to
recognize that the status of the Black population will not improve through
political systems that perpetuate their marginalization. Steve Biko wrote
during South African apartheid, a regime that led to his imprisonment and
murder, highlighting the long history of Black popular resistance against
various strategies of colonization and domination employed by white supremacy.
Although Brazil does not have an explicitly segregationist regime, the
Brazilian government's effective stance in not only combating
racism—criminalized by the Caó Law in 1989—but also actively developing public
policies aimed at promoting racial equality is a relatively recent phenomenon.
In this context, the
educational interests presented indicate an alignment with the Brazilian Black
movement, as evidenced by the First National Meeting of Black Entities (NMBE)
scheduled for that year, which was also a key topic of discussion at the Santa
Catarina seminar. Regarding NMBE participation, Jeruse states that
Caution is warranted regarding individuals or organizations that mobilize
solely for participation in events. To achieve this, these entities must
establish specific criteria for selecting delegates. The organizations also
need to recognize the [state black organizations] forum (Romão, 1991, p. 03).
The teacher's perception that the articulation of the black movement
should be constant and occur at the grassroots level was evidenced in her
proposal, made on the second day of the seminar, to organize meetings in the
municipalities: "We need to discuss in the municipalities the necessity of
articulation and how to articulate." Regardless of their affiliations—be
they religious, social, or otherwise—what matters is their united front against
racism, underscoring the need for organized efforts (Romão, 1991, p. 14).
This is a crucial aspect in
understanding Afro-popular education; it can and should occur within formal
educational settings, but it must also extend beyond, reaching all spaces
relevant to the Black community. Furthermore, the professor emphasized the
importance of organizing with religious and social groups, highlighting the
intentional stance of the Black movement in asserting the political nature of
cultural expressions, which are often folklorized by white society. This
perspective also exemplifies the unique nature of Afro-Brazilian worldviews,
which recognize that the values shaping our ways of life permeate all aspects
of our existence. Meanwhile, racist ideology separates mind from body, reason
from emotion, politics from culture, and the sacred from the profane.
Therefore, ongoing political
education for activists is crucial for both the movement itself and the broader
Black community. In 2017, Professor Nilma Lino Gomes, a researcher and former
minister, encapsulated the tenets of Black Thought in Education by introducing
the concept of the black movement as an educator in her eponymous book. In this
passage, the author contends that the Black movement serves as a generator of
emancipatory knowledge and a systematizer of insights regarding racial issues
in Brazil (Gomes, 2017, p. 14). She goes on to say that the intellectuals of
the black movement question “the primacy of Eurocentric interpretation and
production of the world and of scientific knowledge” (Gomes, 2017, p. 15).
Thus, the author argues that the praxis of the Black movement educates and
re-educates society, the state, and itself.
The need to re-educate oneself
is linked to the need to constantly ask oneself “who am I really?”, resulting
from the systematized denial of one's existence by colonialism (Fanon, 1968).
Another proposal presented by Professor Jeruse Romão on the second day of the
seminar was to
Make a survey of the history of the Black Movement in each municipality.
The Black community in Santa Catarina state shows the most reluctance to participate
due to a lack of familiarity with the history of the Black Movement, even
within their own municipalities. There is reluctance to address racial issues,
as people claim to be non-racist (Romão, 1991, p. 13).
Thus, drawing on Nilma Lino
Gomes (2017), the Black movement and Black intellectuals are crucial political
actors in developing an educational project that not only addresses the
socio-historical debt to the Black population but also serves as an
emancipatory force for all Brazilians, who remain subjugated by the dynamics of
coloniality. Understanding the history of the Black Movement at the municipal
level would serve as a demand and strategy for historical, political, and
epistemological reparation, enabling discussions on racial issues and confronting
racism. The territorial dimension is also evident in the proposals, stemming
from the Santa Catarina Black Movement's understanding of the need for national
coordination while simultaneously addressing local (municipal and state)
particularities present in social dynamics.
Professor Jeruse Romão's work
is characterized by a strong focus on territorial considerations. Despite
national-level initiatives, these proposals are fundamentally rooted in ongoing
grassroots efforts within Black communities. Understanding experiences within
the context of specific territorial dynamics enhances the scope of Brazil's
universal public policies. Therefore, examining contemporary conditions and
reflecting on the past's influence on the present is crucial for understanding
the formation of the current situation we are contending with.
Therefore, memory plays a
crucial role in shaping Afro-popular educational strategies. In Professor
Jeruse Romão's career, we highlight her work The History of Black Education and Other Stories, which she edited
in 2005, as well as Africa is Within Us.
Africanidades catarinenses, organized in 2010 and Antonieta de Barros: professor, writer, journalist, first black
congresswoman from Santa Catarina, published in 2021.
Finally, the Black Movement's
political education has fostered a sophisticated and constructive dialogue with
non-Black populations and the State, acknowledging the complex interplay of
ethnic identity markers that shape the Black racial experience in Brazil,
particularly in Santa Catarina.
The Black Movement must remain vigilant and speak out forcefully against
capital punishment, the extermination of street children, and the plight of the
landless and homeless, as well as oppose the mass sterilization of Black women.
Santa Catarina lags behind in addressing this critical issue. We could
establish a statewide day to advocate against capital punishment. No nation can
achieve first-world status without eradication, a process that will primarily
impact the Black community (Romão, 1991, p. 14).
In this initial examination,
we identified key elements of Afro-Brazilian popular education embedded in
Professor Jeruse Romão's praxis, considering the context of its development.
The initial point addresses the imperative for Black individuals to unite and
mobilize. In other words, Afro-popular cultural formation emerges through
collective processes and dialogues among diverse groups, encompassing varied
spatial, cultural, and other experiential dimensions. In this context,
grassroots efforts are crucial, as is maintaining a presence in key areas
significant to the Black community, extending beyond formal educational
settings. The role of history and memory holds a prominent place, as does the
importance of engaging in dialogue with both non-Black populations and
governmental institutions.
To further this more
contextual phase of the analysis, I present the partial report from the Santa
Catarina Black Movement's State Plenary, held on July 19, 1998. The document, a
concise four-page summary, outlines the key events of the meeting without
directly quoting any statements. The key information of interest in this
document is the "nominal list and occupational profile of the militants
and observers present" which records the 63 individuals who participated
in the activity. It is noteworthy that the Black movement in Santa Catarina
included a significant number of students and teachers, as well as workers from
various professions such as secretaries, security guards, domestic workers,
drivers, salespeople, and refrigeration technicians. This diverse composition
was identified as a challenge for mass organization during the 1991 seminar.
Consequently, this highlights
another crucial aspect: the active involvement of those affected by
Afro-popular education as key architects of its development. Another piece of
information that helps us contextualize the Black Movement in Santa Catarina at
the time is that it spread beyond the state capital, with representatives from
the cities of Rio do Sul, Ituporanga, Gaspar, Tubarão, Joinville, Chapecó,
Lages and Criciúma, a much broader articulation than we see in the state today.
Professor Jeruse Romão
explored Afro-Brazilian popular education during her tenure at the Center for
Black Studies. The Black Thought in Education
series was primarily organized by Professor Jeruse and Professor Ivan Costa
Lima.
The fifth volume in the
series, titled Afro-Brazilian Popular Education, was co-edited by the two
authors and Sônia Silveira. In it, Jeruse Romão presents Afro-popular education
based on the literacy practices of the Teatro Experimental do Negro in her
article "'Há o Tema do Negro e há a Vida do Negro': public, popular and
Afro-Brazilian education" (Romão, 2009). The structure consists of three
main sections: The Black Theme, Black Life, and Public, Popular and
Afro-Brazilian Education: the educational action of the Center for Black
Studies. The aim of the text is to point to the Black Movement as a “pioneer in
the struggle for the democratization of the Brazilian education system” (Romão,
2009, p. 35).
In the initial section, the
author situates the writing within the context of autumn 1999, highlighting the
scarcity of research addressing educational practices advocated by the Black
Movement. Enaging with Anísio Teixeira's analyses of the Brazilian educational
system, she argues that even the discourses that dealt with inequality continue
to make black people invisible by denying their difference and “not by
questioning the reasons for this difference” (Romão, 2009, p. 39). The author
concludes that the school system perpetuates the cultural whitewashing of the
Brazilian population.
The second section examines
the Black population's response to the social project conceived by whiteness,
including education, challenging racist stigmas. The Black Experimental Theater
(BET) [2]
exemplifies this pioneering movement, implementing a pedagogical approach aimed
at "re-educating whites and empowering blacks" (Romão, 2009, p. 43),
thereby actively pursuing a commitment to construct a democratic societal
model. The BET's praxis resulted in one of Brazil's pioneering adult education
initiatives, showcasing the Black movement's foresight in recognizing the need
for affirmative action in education, and advocating for educational rights even
for those outside the formal system.
In the final section of the
article, Professor Jeruse Romão discusses the work of the Center for Black
Studies, focusing on its Education Program, which centered on training
educators in the public school system. Through a pilot project carried out in
the municipality of Rio do Sul in 1993, with the aim of transforming the school
into “an egalitarian space that combats racism” (Romão, 2009, p. 49) through
training activities that transform not only the way teachers look at the black
population, but also pedagogical practices.
In response to faculty
demands, the CBS establishes the Center for Afro-Brazilian Educational
Resources to equip educators with tools for anti-racist teaching. To this end,
the Education Program published workbooks, the Afro-Action Education newspaper,
and documentaries, while also establishing a library featuring books, toys, and
educational games focused on Afro-Brazilian themes.
The teacher introduces the
series of which the article is part, Black Thought in Education, pointing out
that the title is
Inspired by and aligned with the theoretical frameworks discussed in the
seminar 'Black Thought in Brazilian Education: Expressions of the Black
Movement', organized by Professor Petronilha Silva from the Federal University
of São Carlos. Thus, this is not merely a matter of adopting terminology;
rather, it represents an alignment with a movement that establishes and
highlights the existence of educational thought produced by the Brazilian Black
movement (Romão, 2009, p. 53).
Therefore, while highlighting
the path of Afro-popular political education developed by Professor Jeruse
Romão, it is crucial to emphasize not only the collective nature of this
process but also its national scope, particularly across the Southern,
Southeastern, and Northeastern regions of Brazil.
This was an exercise in rapprochement and already indicates the next
steps. Still in this historical period, I am interested in analyzing the
articles published by the teacher in the Educa-Ação Afro newspaper between 1995
and 1999, which bring more elements to understand the Afro-popular political
formation in Jeruse Romão's praxis. However, this study also aims to examine
how Afro-popular political education necessitates structural changes for its
full implementation. To this end, the following section highlights the
professor's contributions to public policy development, affirmative action
initiatives, and curriculum design through her activist professional praxis.
3 Conquering public policies
Examining the development of mechanisms to
safeguard the rights of Black communities is crucial for understanding the
impact of Afro-popular education. Here, knowledge and action, theory and
practice, are considered inseparable. Public policies aim to ensure that access
to history and memory becomes a shared right for the entire population,
addressing social inequalities and seeking reparation. In an interview with
Carol Lima de Carvalho, Professor Jeruse Romão states that she has devoted her
entire life
[...] without deviation, to focus on developing public policies
for the Black population in education, advising legislators, supporting the
Black movement, and consulting with educational systems. I started with the
first law in Professor Márcio de Souza's mandate: the law that institutes the
teaching of African and Afro-Brazilian cultures and histories in the
municipality of Florianópolis (Carvalho, 2021, p. 213).
The law referenced by the professor is
Municipal Law No. 4.446/1994, which mandated the inclusion of
"Afro-Brazilian History" in the curricula of municipal schools in
Florianópolis. As previously discussed, this legislation emerged from the
coordinated efforts of Santa Catarina's Black movement, including the election
of organized activists. This included the candidacy of Márcio de Souza, a
chemistry teacher and founder of the Center for Black Studies. Professor Jeruse
Romão served as chief of staff during Márcio's first term from 1992 to 1995,
representing the Workers' Party. I highlight the aforementioned legislation as
the primary action within the scope of Afro-popular political education, as it
directly and specifically addresses the curricular structure of public
education in Florianópolis, serving as an important precedent for other legislation
at municipal, state, and national levels, as previously discussed in the
preceding section.
Her second experience in an elected position
was in the Santa Catarina State Legislative Assembly, serving as a
parliamentary advisor to State Representative Wilson Vieira, known as Dentinho,
who chaired the Legislative School in 2003 and 2004. At the time, Professor
Jeruse Romão was a member of the Black Women's Forum of Greater Florianópolis,
which actively participated in the region's political life. In the early 2000s,
the arrival of drug trafficking groups from southeastern Brazil to Greater
Florianópolis prompted public hearings on security issues. The Forum, concerned
about the well-documented consequences of increased policing in Black
communities, urged attending legislators to consider alternatives to the
militarization of predominantly Black neighborhoods. In this context, Professor
Jeruse Romão, as the head of the Black Women's Forum in these spaces, was
commissioned to draft the proposal that led to the creation of the Antonieta de
Barros Program (ABP).
The ABP, in its conception, was an
unprecedented affirmative action initiative aimed at bringing the Black
population closer to the "people's house" through an internship
program targeting Black and marginalized youth in Florianópolis. The broad
debates within the program aimed to raise awareness among young interns at the
Legislative Assembly and existing staff, addressing gender, racial, social, and
ableist inequalities. The professional internship was thus recognized as a
crucial element in the participants' career paths, underscoring the legislative
body's commitment to each individual's development.
Furthermore, to prevent electoral populism,
participant registration was contingent upon endorsement from local social
movement organizations. Consequently, this would enable the entire ecosystem to
recognize the significance of social movements within communities.
At that time, Volnei Morastoni served as the
President of the Santa Catarina State Legislative Assembly. In 2005, he took
office as Mayor of Itajaí and appointed Professor Jeruse Romão to oversee the
city's policies for its Black population. Despite presenting a comprehensive
plan for management, the professor declined the invitation out of respect for
the Black activist community in Itajaí.
From 2017 to 2020, the professor served
during Councilman Professor Lino Peres' second term in the Florianópolis City
Council[3].
As a parliamentary advisor, she led the Human Rights department, coordinating
efforts between social movements and the mandate to develop public policies.
Guidelines concerning Black populations, women, LGBTQIA+ communities,
quilombola communities, Afro-Brazilian religious practitioners, immigrants,
Black youth, education, and housing rights were the primary focus areas during
the four-year work period.
Among the various initiatives, the Municipal
Policy for the Migrant Population stands out. This policy acknowledges the
unique characteristics of migrants arriving in Florianópolis, particularly
those from Haiti, Venezuela, and African countries. It emphasizes the
importance of anti-racist legislation that recognizes migrants as
rights-bearing individuals. The initiative made Florianópolis the second city
in Brazil to implement the National Migration Law at the municipal level,
developed in collaboration with civil society organizations led by immigrants
in the city. The incorporation of diverse urban identities in public policy
formulation, spearheaded by Professor Jeruse Romão, marked a significant shift
in legislative approach, transcending traditional city-centric policymaking.
4 Final considerations
Based on the
information presented, it is evident that Professor Jeruse Romão's Afro-popular
political education is anchored in two key elements: collective construction
and continuity.
Collaborative
development ensures strategic practices are created with and by the people, not
merely for them. The Afro-Brazilian worldview extends beyond cultural
formations, encompassing a mutual responsibility that ensures autonomy and
agency in the process of political emancipation. Collective engagement is
essential for identifying key demands and priorities in shaping educational
objectives and their implementation strategies.
Another crucial dimension
observed is the need for continuity, both in educational processes and in
acknowledging the history, trajectory, and experiences of predecessors,
particularly those of the local Black Movement. This recognition is essential
for understanding oneself as part of an ongoing ancestral process that extends
beyond individual experience. This enables us to identify the historical tasks
at hand and determine which demands have seen progress, guiding us in
establishing new practices.
The past two
decades have necessitated a restructuring of Brazil's Black Movement and other
social movements in the country. This shift follows over a decade of partisan
alignment, a parliamentary coup resulting in President Dilma Rousseff's
impeachment, the rise of far-right leadership in the executive branch, and the
COVID-19 pandemic, which disproportionately affected white, Black, and
indigenous populations in Brazil. This situation underscored the imperative to
revisit fundamental principles and recalibrate strategies in developing a
collective agenda aimed at safeguarding established rights and expanding public
policies to promote racial equality.
In this context,
embracing the concept of Sankofa—revisiting the past to reclaim forgotten
wisdom—becomes imperative. And here is Afro-popular education: as content, as
an analytical tool, as a methodology and, especially, as Principle of civilization.
References
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[1] Professor Jeruse Romão's
connection to capoeira is documented in the Social Mapping of Capoeira in
Florianópolis, compiled by the Greater Florianópolis Capoeira Forum (2019), and
in the work of photographer Joaquim Corrêa. Given this connection, I titled
this work using a chant from Capoeira Angola, which carries the teacher's
praxis through oral tradition.
[2] The Black Experimental Theater was created in October 1944, in Rio de
Janeiro, as “a pedagogical enterprise whose aim is to help dispel the tensions
still discernible in race relations in Brazil” (Nascimento 1997 apud Romão, 2005, p. 118).
[3] During this period, Carla
Ayres and Professor Cadu also temporarily assumed parliamentary positions for
30 days, in accordance with the rotation system implemented by the Workers'
Party of Florianópolis.